Wednesday, 12 June 2019

Gwynoro yn ymateb i adolygiad Vaughan Hughes yn Cylchgrawn Barn

Wela i ddim byd anraslon nac anghytbwys yn fy llyfyr 'Gwynoro a Gwynfor' 

Beth sydd yma ydy cofnod o'r hyn a welais, glywais ac a dystiais 

Un nod syml oedd wrth fwrw ati i sgrifennu’r llyfr ‘Gwynoro a Gwynfor’, sef croniclo hanes etholaeth Caerfyrddin 1966-75, a hynny mewn modd nad oedd wedi ei wneud mewn un cyfrol o’r blaen. Roedd y croniclo’n seiliedig ar archif gynhwysfawr nes i gasglu dros y cyfnod hwnnw. Mae corff y llyfr yn adrodd y stori fel roedd yn datblygu ar y pryd ac yn y bennod ola rydw i’n pwyso a mesur wrth edrych nôl heddi ar ddigwyddiadau’r cyfnod. Dw i ddim yn siŵr os ydy Vaughan Hughes wedi deall y strwythur yma. Trueni iddo ostwng i lefel tabloid trwy fy nghuddo o ‘bigo crachen’. Sylw arwynebol ar y gore.

Mae’n ddigon posib bod rhai yn gwybod am rhai o’r straeon sydd yn y llyfr eisoes, wrth gwrs ei fod e. Yng Nghymru ydyn ni wedi’r cyfan. Ond, mae y mwyafrif helaeth iawn o’r deunydd yma sydd yn gwbl newydd, fel mae’r rhan fwyaf wedi nodi wrth ymateb i’r llyfr, gan gynnwys mewn sgyrsiau radio a theledu ac adolygwyr eraill hefyd. Ac mae cael y cyfan gyda’i gilydd rhwng dau glawr yn newydd hefyd.

Ymgais oedd i ososd ar gof a chadw yr hyn ‘a welais, glywais ac a dystiais’. Ie,dweud yr hanes fel ‘roeddwn yn ei fyw ar y pryd. Wrth gwrs bod stori Gwynfor wedi cael ei cyfnodi droeon a throeon, ac mae hynny yn haeddiannol. Ond mae’r llyfr hwn yn cymeryd agwedd gwahanol ar bethe.

Roeddwn yn deall y bydde rhai yn anhapus â hyn. ‘Rwyn cofio’r diweddar Dr Phil Williams yn dweud wrthyf tua diwedd y saithdegau – ‘Fe geision ni ym Mhlaid Cymru dy ysgrifennu di allan o’rholl gyfnod a gwneud yn siŵr nad oedd fawr ddim son amdanat’. Wel,chwerthynais ar y pryd, ond roedd go agos at ei le. Mewn gwirionedd, mae’n dal i barhau hyd yn oed yn adolygiad Vaughan Hughes – a oes unrhyw gyfeiriad at fy ngweithgaredd â’m ymdrechion fel Aelod Seneddol? Na, anwybyddu’r cyfan! 

Dyw e ddim yn sôn am fy ymdrechion pan yn Aelod Seneddol, ac ymhell cyn hynny, i wneud y Blaid Lafur yn fwy Cymreigedd â’m cyfraniad sylweddol tuag at hybu datganoli. Cyfraniad sydd yn cynnwys bod y cynta i siarad Cymraeg yn un o’r Seneddau Ewropeaidd, cymryd fy llw yn y Gymraeg yn San Steffan a bod yn cyd-drefnydd sefydlu’r broses i ganiatau i unrhyw un arall wneud hynny hefyd i’r dyfodol. Dyma’r fath o ffeithie sydd wedi profi’n dân ar groen Plaid Cymru erioed.

Mae’n rhaid pwysleisio un pwynt mwy personol. Does dim chwerwder ynglŷn â’r holl ymrafael a fu yn perthyn i fi o gwbl bellach. Dyna pam ro’ ni’n hapus i sgrifennu’r llyfr nawr, gan fod unrhyw deimladau cas wedi hen fynd a bod modd croniclo’n fwy cytbwys. Wrth gwrs fe fu ‘colbio, dirmygu a diraddio’ o blaid cefnogwyr ac aelodau Llafur a Plaid Cymru. 

‘Roedd yn gyfnod chwerw gyda atgasedd amlwg fel mae’r llyfr yn son. Profais yr atgasedd â’r chwerwder yna droeon, yn enwedig ar nosweithiau etholiadau 1970 a 1974. Bu’n rhaid i’r heddlu fy rhwystro rhag annerch y dorf yn‘70 oherwydd yr awyrgylch cas, a chefais bygythiadau personnol wedi cyfri etholiad ‘74 pan enillais o dair pleidlais, a bu’n rhaid i’r heddlu warchod fy nghartre am dau ddiwrnod.  Ydw, dwi’n gwbod digon am ddicter cefnogwyr Plaid Cymru y dyddie hynny. Dangoswyd cryn dipyn o chwerwder ac atgasedd hefyd tuag at etholwyr Sir Gar oherwydd i Gwynfor golli, yn y cylchgrawn ‘Taliesin’ er enghraifft.

Ond dyw’r dicter yna ddim wedi corddi dros y pedwar degawd a mwy ers hynny. Yn y blynyddoedd diwetha, dw i wedi rhannu llwyfan gyda rhai o selogion y Blaid ar faterion yn ymwneud a datganoli pellach i Gymru, gan gynnwys hunan lywodraeth i’n Cenedl.  Ni fyddai unrhyw chwerwder wedi caniatau i fi wneud hynny. A beth bynnag, dw i ddim am adael i unrhyw chwerwder o’r gorffennol pell ddiflasu fy mywyd a finne nawr yn fy saithdegau!


Dydw i ddim yn derbyn hefyd fod yna ‘anraslonrwydd’ gennyf ac mae’r penode olaf yn dangos hyn yn amlwg, lle dwi’n cyfadde gwendidau ac yn dyfaru ambell beth.

Difyr nodi bod Vaughan Hughes yn disgwyl i fi fod yn wrthrychol. Gallai ddim bod yn gwbl wrthrychol, dim mwy nag y gall e wrth fy meirniadu. Mae ei sylwadau yn sicr yn ategu’r hyn a nodir yn y llyfr, sef ei fod yn annodd iawn beirniadu Gwynfor o gwbl, er gwaetha ei wendidau â’i ffaeleddau amlwg. Ond lleiafrif oddifewn i BlaidCymru sydd wedi mynegu’r un farn â Vaughan Hughes, yn gyhoeddus o leia. Mae nifer fawr, yn enwedig y genhedlaeth ifanca, yn gweld pethe fel ma nhw, heb yr eilun addoli. Dw i’n cadw at y safbwynt sydd yn y llyfr, doedd Gwynfor ddim yn wleidydd da,cenhadwr oedd e – a dyna fy ymwneud i ag e yn y brwydrau etholaethol. Mae lan i eraill i werthuso ei gyfraniad mewn meysydd eraill.

Mae’r llyfr yn gorffen trwy fynegi dyhead didwyll y bydde wedi bod yn beth da petai Gwynfor a fi wedi siarad a thrafod gyda’n gilydd. Wnaethom hynny erioed, yn hytrach anwybyddu’n gilydd a fu. Bydde’r ddau ohonom wedi cytuno ar gryn dipyn dw i’n argyhoeddedig. Welai ddim byd anghytbwys nac anraslon yn y fath osodiad.

Sunday, 26 May 2019

Some quotes from the book Gwynoro a Gwynfor.


The response of Gwynfor supporters following Gwynoro’s victory in 1970.
I was prohibited from delivering my victory speech because of the behaviour of the crowd. I was denied the privilege usually afforded the victor. On the night itself, I didn’t mind that very much as enjoying the victory was ore than enough.

But the time came to think about leaving the Guildhall. The police were very unsure if Laura and I should go out at all. They told us that it certainly wasn’t safe to leave through the front door because they couldn’t guarantee our safety.
After winning the 3 votes in the February 1974 election.
When we arrived home the phone rang around six times with death threats that night, all different voices. We rang the police and for the next 72 hours they intercepted the phone calls at the police station.
Vietnam.
Plaid Cymru was not united in its support for Gwynfor’s visit to Vietnam. Many, understandably, feared for his safety and indeed, his life. On a more ideological level, the right wing of the Party thought that the visit would be interpreted as support for the Communists who were fighting against the USA. Another concern, one that was relevant to me in the Carmarthen constituency, is that a foreign visit would re-enforce the image many had of Gwynfor anyway, which was that of him perceiving himself as being the Member for Wales and not the member of Parliament for Carmarthen.
On a more political level, this was a golden opportunity for me to score some more points against Gwynfor. After returning from Cambodia ( he never got to Vietnam, he was refused entry) Gwynfor made many comments about the situation in Vietnam, including in the House of Commons. Two of his comments prompted me to respond to him in the press. Firstly his suggestion that it was the Americans who were to blame for the war, a comment made in the Commons. And secondly, his comment comparing Plaid Cymru with the National Liberation Front in South Vietnam. Both comments were completely bonkers!
Bombing.
(End of 1967, a bomb exploded in the Temple of Peace, Cardiff. It was an act of protest against the Investiture of the Prince of Wales in 1969. A meeting to make some arrangements for that Investiture was to be held in the Temple of Peace.)
Gwynfor was asked to condemn the use of violence in the name of nationalism. He refused to do so. He was asked to do so in the House of Commons as well. He refused. That was not a surprise to me. Because immediately after his by-election victory (in 1966) he said this in The Times:
The government does not think anyone is serious until people blow up things or shoot others.
My response in the local newspapers was to suggest that some people might well have taken Gwynfor at his word.
Gwynfor though, in the Western Mail and on the Heddiw TV programme, claimed that the Secret Services were responsible for the bombing, in an attempt to bring shame and disrepute on the nationalist cause.
The Investiture.
People had come to accept that Gwynfor would not be at the Investiture Ceremony. But they weren’t prepared to accept that he was going to meet the Prince in Carmarthen on his Royal journey around Wales after the Investiture. Many nationalists stated that they would stand against Plaid Cymru in the next election if Gwynfor met the Prince. They felt that strongly. For the majority, Gwynfor’s decision to meet the Prince after refusing to go the Investiture was nothing less than hypocrisy. Gwynfor lost a lot of respect as a result of that decision. If he had kept to his principles, the story might well have been different. Even some of his own fellow nationalists called him Sioni Bob Ochr. (Johnny-every-side)
Germany.
(In the middle of the miners dispute with Ted Heath’s government in the early Seventies, Gwynfor published a book. Wales can Win.)
Many comments in that book angered me.
German invaders could not have caused more than a fraction of the havoc to Welsh national life than the British system had been wreaking for generations.
He made similar comments when Russia invaded Czeckoslovakia. He claimed at that time that the oppression suffered by the Welsh at the hands of the English was far worse. Referring to the Second World War specifically, he said:
At a time when the vast majority of their fellow countrymen had been brainwashed by Britishness... to ask them to kill their fellow human beings for England in these circumstances was, they felt, to become murderers.
In the local press, I attacked such comments:
Gwynfor can not accept that in both World Wars, a great deal was at stake for the people of Wales, but according to him, these wars were waged ‘not to defend anything of great value to Wales’.
Fantastic promises.
In the Guardian, 23 September 1968, there’s a report on Gwynfor’s speech at Plaid Cymru’s conference that year.
A prediction that Wales would be a one-party state for up to three years after independence came from the President. ‘Plaid Cymru will hold the reins of power for one, two, three years after self- government. By then we have no doubt that other parties would have emerged and we could contest elections.’
Such comments harmed Plaid Cymru’s political credibility. It was evident to anyone who understood the system that such a thing was not possible practically, however correct the principle might be.
The Big ‘I’ word

The book discusses the debate about the use of the word ' independence '. It is about defining the central politics of nationalism. In that context, we read and hear a great deal about ‘independence’ these days by the new leader of Plaid Cymru, Adam Price. But from which hymn book was Gwynfor singing? Weighing and measuring the analysis undertaken for this volume, has caused me to think that his hands were not on the same page with Leanne and Adam. It was closer to his predecessor Saunders Lewis. Gwynfor also spoke in terms of confederation and dominion status.

Independence did not form part of the vocabulary of either of the two. But the attacks on Plaid Cymru in the period covered in this book are based on the belief that the party calls for an independent Wales. 

But here is Saunders Lewis

“Do not ask for independence for Wales. Not because it is impracticable but because it’s not worth having... we want not independence but freedom and the meaning of freedom in this respect is responsibility’’.

Yn 1976 Dr Pennar Davies published a book on Gwynfor and it he. In it he summarises his understanding of Gwynfor’s viewpoint


…’’it is not independence in the form of ‘untarnished sovereignty’ that is Plaid Cymru’s aim but an essential freedom to cooperate and work with other nations’’

Gwynfor as a politician.
…there’s no doubt that Gwynfor has been whitewashed to within an inch off being a saint by his followers. But in my dealings with him, I did not see a man who was close to being a saint. The impression I had was that he was a politician who had obvious weaknesses that affected his career, especially on a strategic evel and his consistent tendency to exaggerate!... He was an effective missionary but that effectiveness didn’t make him a good politician at all. It’s impossible to think of him in the same breath as some of the greats of the era, people like Clem Attlee who transformed the Welfare State, Aneurin Bevan who did the same with the Health service, and before the, Lloyd George. There are many more examples.

Thursday, 9 May 2019


TENSION AND HATE IN WELSH POLITICS DURING 60’s AND 70’s

If two characters were to ever crystallise the polar opposites of the fiery period of Welsh politics during the 60s and 70s, then they were Gwynoro Jones and Gwynfor Evans

Both MPs at one point during the era – certainly fit the bill. Plaid Cymru’s Gwynor Evans’ story has been told many times but not much attention has been given to the story of Gwynoro Jones. In Gwynoro a Gwynfor, which was published by Y Lolfa, Gwynoro’s side of the history of one of the most interesting periods in twentieth century Welsh politics is told.

The history is based on the extensive personal archive of the author, and his memories. The volume bridges the troubled periods between 1967 and 1974 as Gwynoro and Gwynfor Evans represented the same constituency at different times in the 1970s.

“I don’t think there was a period like it in Welsh politics, the mid-60s and beginning of the 70s was a constant battle between myself and Gwynfor. Both of us were lucky to be a part of things at that time. It was a time of battling the status quo, especially on constitutional matters relating to decentralisation and the Welsh language. During this period, Tryweryn - the flooding of Capel Celyn – was allowed to happen, Labour won its first general election for a number of years, violent years, bombing, protests, Cymdeithas yr Iaith and Saunders Lewis stirring things up within the Labour Party,” says Gwynoro Jones.

Despite the different outlook of the political parties, the well-being of the nation drove both men. This book includes an abundance of new stories of the tensions and conflicts between Gwynoro Jones and Gwynfor Evans. The journalist Gwilym Owen states in the Foreword of the book:

“From day one, there wasn’t any brotherly love between the two as individuals or between the political parties either. There was an atmosphere of goading and satire, a sourness and personal bickering to be found almost on a daily basis. You could say that there was hatred on every level.”

''There’s no doubt that Gwynfor himself has been whitewashed to almost a saint by his followers. But in my dealings with him, I didn’t see a man even close to being a saint,” says Gwynoro.

Gwynoro also states that there are similarities between the turbulent time and today, as discussions on decentralisation and independence for Wales and Europe are still hot topics:

“During the last few years, the political flame has reignited in me. I have a blog, a YouTube channel, a Facebook page, a Twitter account and the whole lot very active. I’m addressing meetings again, in the name of movements such as Yes Cymru. As a result, it’s natural that I’ve been looking back at the period when I was a Member of Parliament. That appetite is back now.”

By now, Gwynoro admits that he sees eye-to-eye with Gwynfor on many matters relating to Wales:

“I’m certain that if he was alive today we would agree on a number of things in the context of Wales’ future as a country and nation,” says Gwynoro in his book.

By now they are speaking the same language, including independence for Wales. According to Gwynoro, the term ‘independence’ for Wales was not one of Plaid Cymru’s wishes during the 60s and 70s, and it’s a relatively new idea in Welsh politics.

“The weighing up and analysing that I’ve done for this book, has made me think that Gwynfor Evans wasn’t singing from the same hymn sheet as Leanne Woods and Adam Price. He was closer to his predecessor (Saunders Lewis).”

Gwynoro states that he cannot remember or comprehend Gwynfor Evans ever using the term ‘independence’ in his speeches, his interviews, or in newspaper articles in the period mentioned. His analysis therefore is that both would have seen eye to eye on their desire for freedom, sovereignty and self-governance for Wales instead of using the word ‘independence’. 

Gwynoro a Gwynfor by Gwynoro Jones and Alun Gibbard is available now (£9.99, Y Lolfa).

If you’d like to book Gwynoro Jones to speak to your society or club, please contact him by telephoning 07710 451845 or e-mailing gwynoro2@sky.com 


Friday, 26 April 2019

Presentation video of the book 'Gwynoro a Gwynfor'

Explains why and how publishing the book that chronicles the political battles in the constituency of Carmarthen between 1966 and 1974

Here's a 10 minute video telling the story of why and how we published the book ‘Gwynoro a Gwynfor’. The book chronicles the political battles in the constituency of Carmarthen between 1966 and 1974, focusing on the two MP’s in the constituency at that time - Plaid Cymru’s first MP, Gwynfor Evans, and Gwynoro Jones. The book describes the level of bitterness, intensity and at times hostility that existed not only between the two of us but our political parties and their members and supporters. Wales has never seen such a politically volatile period.




The book talks about the July 1966 by election, Plaid Cymru’s first parliamentary victory, an account of the three year period of political battles prior to the 1970 General Election - including talking about issues such as the various nationalist bombing campaigns of the period, the Investiture of the Prince of Wales and Gwynfor’s intended visit to Vietnam during its war with the US, It tells of Gwynoro’s victory in the 1970 General Election, when he took the seat from Gwynfor. In 1974, the two faced each other again in a General Election, not once but twice as there were two elections that year. Gwynoro won the first, by a dramatic three votes but Gwynfor won the second.

In telling the story of the two men, Gwynoro also sheds some light on the Labour Party’s attitude to devolution; he shares his disillusionment with the Labour Party which started during the first few years of being an MP .

The book ends on Gwynoro's self reflection on his relationship with Gwynfor and the attitude of the two to the  ‘Independence’ question. It becomes evident that the two weren’t as far apart s the volatile 70’s suggested